Kiribati is just a few weeks away from its national elections.
It has experienced a turbulent last four years with its government choosing to switch diplomatic allegiance to China over Taiwan, pulling out of and then returning to the Pacific Islands Forum, and starting a spat with the judiciary, which included removing all the expatriate judges working in the country.
There has not been a lot of clarity provided for these moves by the Kiribati government but elections are to be held starting on 14 August, with the second round on 19 August.
Don Wiseman spoke with the Pacific analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, Blake Johnson.
Don Wiseman: Kiribati is an increasing mystery in the Pacific, isn't it?
Blake Johnson: It certainly is. It's very difficult to get any sort of information from out of there at the moment.
DW: Do you think it's moving increasingly away from the West in terms of its links?
BJ: I think it looks like it at the moment. I think Kiribati, like many other Pacific Island countries at the moment, it's seeking to solidify its identity, its values, its place in the region and in the world. There's been growing competition across the region between Australia and the US and China and other partners. Each Pacific island country is trying to navigate those waters in their own unique way and try and make the most out of it for themselves. And Kiribati does seem to be doing that a little differently to some of the others, in terms of just the transparency.
We're seeing Chinese police appear in Kiribati. We haven't seen any public recognition of any agreements that have been signed, and it does seem like Australia's increasingly finding it difficult to pursue our own agreements, to have trainers in there and all sorts of things.
DW: Australia has been working on its planned agreement, I presume both countries were for some time. This agreement was covering what?
BJ: I've not been fully across the details of the agreement that was being discussed with Kiribati. I believe it was mostly focused on police support, and Australia still might be providing some of that support in terms of building police buildings for Kiribati without necessarily needing the agreement to cover off on all of it. But it's kind of stalled, and it was put on hold until after this upcoming election.
DW: I understand that Australian government officials have had difficulties through this period, in terms of the agreement discussions, getting visas and so on. Is that right?
BJ: Yes. There's been some issues with getting visas processed on time, that was kind of put down to just the size and capacity of Kiribati to process some of those things, but they were very lengthy delays for some Australian officials that were over there to try and build on that agreement and try and provide more support to Kiribati, which I imagine is frustrating for groups on both sides. Trying to provide that support, but the relationship seems to be moving a bit slower at the moment than it has in previous years.
DW: We've got an election less than a month away. Now, what do you think can be expected to come from it?
BJ: In terms of the election, I think Maamau [President Taneti Maamau] has been in there for eight years now. He's, at least for the people of Kiribati, put their interests forward in the region. He was prepared to withdraw from the PIF [Pacific Islands Forum] and not take part until he felt the Forum was satisfying Kiribati's needs. But we did see in a previous election in 2020, that his party lost a lot of seats after making the switch in diplomatic recognition and cutting ties with Taiwan, even though he retained the presidency. So we don't really know which way it will shift this time around. There hasn't been a lot of insights that we can gain from the outside.
DW: There is one very odd element, it would seem to me, that's been added to the Electoral Act, requiring candidates for the presidency to issue their manifestos which will be published by electoral officials, and that they, if elected, presumably, will be held accountable to that by authorities through the course of their presidency. That's tough.
BJ: Yeah, certainly tough to actually hold people accountable for what might be included in those manifestos. But I think it's trying to overall increase the accountability of leaders, so that they are following through on some of the things that they're campaigning about. But whether or not they can enforce that is an entirely different kind of question. It also just adds an extra layer of complexity for people that are contesting and can make it a bit more difficult to jump through all of the hoops.
DW: One of the major areas of problem for the people of Kiribati has been what's happened with the judiciary with the efforts to remove [Australian Judge] David Lambourne, who just happens to be the husband of the opposition leader. And this process went on for several years before the government actually succeeded in getting him out of the country, and, with all the other judges who were removed, left the judiciary in a real pickle, didn't it? And judges play a pivotal role in the election process, or the Chief Justice does.
BJ: As you said, there are connections between David Lambourne and the opposition leader Tessie. And I think if that had anything to do with the ultimate decision, then that would be a real shame. But it seems that those areas where maybe their relationship with Australia and other foreign partners is changing, it's difficult for the country if it ends up impacting some of their other processes, like the courts. So hopefully, after this election, it's an opportunity for Australia, for other partners, to try and reset that relationship and re establish some of those key support areas that can help Kiribati move forward as a country.